Where the Debate on Independence for Scotland Has Got To…

In the first two months of the year, the campaigns for the referendum on Scottish independence seem to have really heated up. North and south of the border, the media seem like they’re taking it very seriously. BBC Scotland are running a series of debates and documentaries related to the referendum; STV’s Scotland Tonight is also having several debates.

I haven’t seen all these, but I saw the first BBC debate and a few minutes of the STV debate between the SNP.’s Nicola Sturgeon and Labour’s Johann Lamont.

The BBC use a similar format to Question Time, with a panel featuring politicians and others – one “Yes”politician, one “No” politician and two pundits meant to represent “don’t knows”. STV had only two politicians slugging it out.

So far, politicians on either side of the televised debates have done themselves no favours. On the Beeb, whilst the politicians were trying to score points off each other without giving any ground, the two “don’t knows” were asking reasonable questions, expressing uncertainty and generally saying what needed to said.

The fight on STV showed politicians in an even worse light; boxers would have been better behaved. They talked across each other, didn’t listen, and frankly proved to me that this is too important an issue to be left to politicians.

I recently went to a face-to-face debate at Edinburgh University between the two non-figurehead leaders of the campaigns. (Politicians Alistair Darling and Dennis Canavan ostensibly head up the “No” and “Yes” campaigns respecitively, although Alec Salmond and the SNP are driving the political discussion for the “Yes” campaign.) Covering the economic issues, Blair MacDougall manages “Better Together” and Blair Jenkins “Yes Scotland”. [Mr MacDougall seems to have neither a wikipedia entry nor a public bio on available. At least, I couldn’t find it.] You can see from the start that they have much in common, and indeed despite their closeness to the campaigns this felt much less partisan than I had expected. But, being economics, there weren’t really any facts – just interpretations. They threw numbers at each, in apparent contradiction, though one would actually need to see the sources, context and appropriateness before making any decisions based on the figures provided.

This does matter. Apparently, if people believe they will be £500 better off either way, it will influence the choice people make. (How cheaply we’re bought and sold. As Robert Burns wrote, “We’re bought and sold for English gold Such a parcel of rogues in a nation!“.) The main economic issue seems to be what currency Scotland would able to use, followed by how the assets and liabilities are divided, and the ability to sustain pensions and the welfare state.

The “Yes” supporters in the audience were much more vocal than the “No”s, and frankly less reasonable. I don’t find this surprising: they are driven by strong feelings. I don’t believe the views of anyone in the audience – whether “Yes”, “No” or “Don’t Know” – would have been effected by what they heard: we already know that we can’t get the answers we need, probably until many years after the referendum.

The UK government had said that it would not negotiate its position in the advent of a “Yes” vote ahead of the referendum which, whilst an understandable philosophical position, means that no one actually knows the answers to any of these economic questions (nor any others) before we are called on to make a decision.

Except that the UK government has recently been showing its hand, sometimes reasonably, sometimes not. In February, chancellor George Osborne, his shadow Ed Balls and deputy Danny Alexander all said an independent Scotland would not be allowed into a formal currency union with the rest of the UK.

(Scotland would still be able to use the pound informally, though this would probably be looked on poorly by financial markets, adding to Scotland’s funding costs, due to its instability. On the other hand, a formal currency union would completely tie the hands of any post independence Scottish government to develop its own fiscal policy.)

Then UK culture Secretary Maria Miller stated outright that an independent Scotland would not able to use the BBC.

The first of these interventions, by Osborne and co, seems to me to be valid. The currency an independent Scotland would use is clearly important to many people: the economy is the most important issue for many people and also of great consequence to the other inhabitants of the UK – and if it is really non-negotiable, far better to get it out now. (The SNP don’t accept that it is not negotiable: they reckon Osborne is bluffing. They have ruled out revealing plan B.)

Ms Miller’s intervention, however, just seems bonkers and unnecessary. What part of the British Broadcasting Corporation does she not understand? My guess is that the BBC might feel rather differently: they have a large presence in Scotland. The BBC is available throughout Europe; citizens of Eire, for instance, can access BBC broadcasts. When I lived in Brussels for a year, I watched BBC tv and listened to Radio 4 (albeit on long wave!). Perhaps Miller is unaware that much of the BBC’s output is available over the internet? Even if the BBC is divided into Scottish and rUK components, the infant SBC might want to provide programming from its former partner – a commercial decision, not one for interference from ministers. And subject to negotiation, of course. Perhaps Ms Miller is unaware that culture is one of the many devolved powers, too?

And then there was David Cameron’s charm offensive, turning the referendum into a games show with his suggestion that people in England might like to phone a friend. “Who Wants To Be Independent”, perhaps. My phone has been running off the hook.

Whatever their purpose, I think these interventions have been misguided. They play into many nationalists hands by reminding those north of the border that the UK is governed by parties for which Scotland didn’t vote. A dislike of the Tories, going back generations, is one of the key motivations for independence. It allows the “Yes” campaign to portray Westminster’s politicians as English bullies.

The argument that since Scotland hasn’t voted for a Tory government and yet they get elected seems to be a very poor reason for independence, frankly. It turns politics into an infants’ playground: if we don’t get the answer we want, we’re not going to play. It applies not just to Scotland, but much of the UK. The north east of England voted against increasing devolution. It is only the chance combination of a nationalist government in Scotland and a Tory-lead coalition in the UK which has brought us to this point, and the SNP took full advantage of their majority in Holyrood. But as grounds for independence, I funny think so.

There have also been several companies announcing that they are either against independence – like Shell and BP, the two British oil giants (which clearly have an instant in North Sea production) – or that they are parroting to protect their (clients’) interests by relocating at least some of their assets to England – like Alliance Trust and Standard Life.

Again, this really shouldn’t surprise anyone. These large corporations are all about making profits – for themselves and their customers, and they will base their assets and activities wherever they think they can make most money and minimise business risk. My guess it’s that they have subsidiaries in many different parts of the world already, and if they decided it would be better business to move elsewhere, they would. Either way, they’d be remiss not to plan for contingencies, since no one knows what will happen in September, nor, under either outcome, the implications of the result. Whatever happens, change is coming.

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