There were five speakers (plus Bill Jamieson in the chair, who recommended this report by ICAS on taxation and independence): J.P. Anderson; Gavin Gammell; Jim Mather; Ian Ritchie; and Ian Stevens. Of these, one was vehemently pro-independence, one vehemently pro-Union and three uncommitted but, I felt, leaning pretty much towards the Union’s camp. This surprised me somewhat – it made the panel feel pretty much unbalanced (albeit in a way that I strongly agree with). Could they really only find one business person who favours a “Yes” vote? (Also, why no women and no minorities?)
The two who felt very strongly both appealed to largely emotional arguments, in ways that, judging by the questions following the speeches, didn’t go down particularly well with the audience. The pro-Union speaker talked about the shared history of the Union, our strength as part of a large nation, and the fear of economic collapse under independence. The pro-independence speaker talked of England (and, specifically, London) creaming off capital and talent, how it was time for Scotland to stand on its own two feet, and how Scotland had to find its own destiny. His speech was painfully low on detail, and frankly jumped all over the place – though I will admit that I was never likely to be convinced by his emotional appeals.
The key issues for the three uncommitted-but-leaning-Union seemed to be
- the damage caused by long periods of uncertainty (for a minimum of two years until the referendum, and in the case of a “Yes” result, perhaps another five whilst all the details are decided and the Union is unravelled), particularly regarding
- relationships with EU and NATO
- the currency
- access to capital and markets
- risks to funding research and education (specifically, Scottish institutions receive more from funding bodies on the basis of their research projects than a per capita share; and Scottish universities currently charge fees of English students which they would be unlikely to be able to do under independence, since they can’t charge students of other EU nations)
- regulation, particularly of financial institutions (an independent Scotland could not afford to be the lender of last resort for either RBS or the HBoS arm of Lloyds, both of which might therefore need to be headquartered in England)
- the role and size of the public sector in Scotland
Neither those for nor against independence were able to come up with a “business plan” for their outcome – indeed, one of the weaknesses of the Unionist argument seems to be the inability to produce a positive message for the Union: I agree we’re “Better Together“, but where are the positives of the Union (as opposed to scare stories)?
The crux of the debate came down to the inability of the “Yes” campaign to provide answers to many questions, so that people don’t know (and won’t know by the time of the referendum in two years’ time) what they’ll actually be voting for. Not their fault, necessarily (though the SNP government has been woeful in its obfuscation), but clearly critical for the key “don’t knows”.
The results of the poll at the end of the debate were:
Pretty categorical: 77% of attendees voted “No”, out of 115 votes cast (which means about 35 people, or 23%, couldn’t be bother to vote Or, more positively, a 77% turnout!).